THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT
In 60 seconds
In 2016, Hillary Clinton's campaign and the DNC hire a former British spy to dig up dirt on Donald Trump's Russia ties. The resulting dossier flows into the FBI, which opens Crossfire Hurricane, wires up a Trump adviser, and launches a special counsel. Mueller finds no conspiracy, and the FBI's own watchdog finds seventeen errors in the wiretap applications. Smith's verdict: a plot to nullify an election that failed to remove Trump but crippled his presidency.
Before you start
Why it matters
This is the Russia investigation retold as a political thriller, with the paper trail front and center: who paid for the dossier, how it reached the FBI, and what the watchdog reports later found. Readers who followed the headlines but never the chain of custody will finally see the whole machine assembled. It will inflame Trump loyalists and enrage his critics, which is exactly why it's worth reading critically from either camp.
Spoilers ahead
The story
- 1
Act 1
A Worried Spy Walks Into a Pub
In spring 2016 at a London pub, former MI6 officer Christopher Steele meets with Justice Department official Bruce Ohr and Ohr's wife Nellie, a Russia analyst for Fusion GPS. Steele says he is 'very worried' about Donald Trump's ties to Russia and that his research has uncovered 'a big story.' In early 2016, Fusion GPS co-founder Glenn Simpson, a former Wall Street Journal reporter, is hired by the Washington Free Beacon, a conservative website funded by hedge fund billionaire Paul Singer, to dig up dirt on Donald Trump. After Trump secures the Republican nomination, the Free Beacon stops funding the research, and Simpson approaches the DNC and Hillary Clinton campaign through lawyer Marc Elias of Perkins Coie, who retains Fusion GPS on their behalf. In June 2016, Glenn Simpson hires Christopher Steele, who runs the London-based intelligence firm Orbis Business Intelligence. Steele's first memo, dated June 20, 2016, alleges that the Kremlin has been 'cultivating, supporting and assisting' Trump for at least five years and that Russian intelligence has compromising material on him, including 'perverted sexual acts' at the Moscow Ritz-Carlton. Steele, a Russia expert who ran MI6's Moscow desk, writes a series of memos that become the 'Steele dossier.' Fusion GPS hired Steele on behalf of the Clinton campaign and the DNC, and the dossier was circulated to the FBI, State Department, and media during the campaign.
- 2
Act 2
Crossfire Hurricane
In July 2016, Steele meets with his FBI handler Michael Gaeta, the FBI's legal attaché in Rome who had previously worked with Steele on a FIFA corruption case, in London. Steele tells Gaeta that his sources say Trump campaign adviser Carter Page met with Kremlin officials in Moscow. The FBI opens a counterintelligence investigation, code-named 'Crossfire Hurricane,' on July 31, 2016, based in part on a tip from Australian diplomat Alexander Downer, the Australian High Commissioner to the UK. Downer reports that Trump campaign aide George Papadopoulos told him over drinks at a London bar in May 2016 that Russia had 'dirt' on Hillary Clinton in the form of emails. Downer reported the conversation to his government, which then passed it to the U.S. On June 9, 2016, Donald Trump Jr., Jared Kushner, and campaign chairman Paul Manafort meet with Russian lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya at Trump Tower. The meeting was arranged after Trump Jr. was promised 'dirt' on Hillary Clinton as 'part of Russia and its government's support for Mr. Trump.' In September 2016, Steele meets with Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Kathleen Kavalec at the State Department. Kavalec later writes a memo noting that Steele's claims about Trump lawyer Michael Cohen meeting with Kremlin officials in Prague are contradicted by evidence that Cohen was in the U.S. at the time. In October 2016, the FBI obtains a FISA warrant to monitor Carter Page. The application relies heavily on the Steele dossier, despite the FBI's knowledge that Steele was working for the Clinton campaign and had been terminated as an FBI source for leaking to the media.
- 3
Act 3
The Machine Turns
In January 2017, just before Trump's inauguration, BuzzFeed publishes the full Steele dossier. CNN reports that Trump was briefed on the dossier's salacious allegations by then-FBI Director James Comey. Steele had met with multiple journalists, including from Mother Jones and The New York Times, in the fall of 2016. On May 9, 2017, President Trump fires FBI Director James Comey. In a memo written after a February 2017 Oval Office meeting, Comey says Trump told him, 'I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go,' referring to the investigation of National Security Adviser Michael Flynn. On May 17, 2017, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein appoints former FBI Director Robert Mueller as special counsel to investigate 'any links and/or coordination between the Russian government and individuals associated with the campaign of President Donald Trump.' Mueller assembles a team of prosecutors, many of whom donated to Democrats. In December 2017, Michael Flynn, Trump's first National Security Adviser, pleads guilty to lying to the FBI about his conversations with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak during the transition. Flynn's sentencing memo later reveals that FBI agents, including Peter Strzok, deliberately did not warn Flynn he could be charged with a crime during their January 2017 interview. In December 2017, the Justice Department's inspector general releases text messages between FBI agent Peter Strzok and FBI lawyer Lisa Page, with whom he was having an affair. Strzok writes, 'We'll stop it,' referring to a Trump presidency, and calls Trump an 'idiot' and a 'loathsome human being.' The 'insurance policy' phrase from a Strzok-Page text is interpreted as proof the FBI intended to prevent a Trump presidency from the start.
- 4
Act 4
The Collapse
In August 2017, Glenn Simpson testifies before the House Intelligence Committee. He reveals that Fusion GPS was paid by the Clinton campaign and the DNC, and that Steele told him he was 'desperate' to prevent Trump from becoming president. Simpson says Steele's sources were 'a random group of people.' In June 2018, the Justice Department inspector general's report reveals that FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe authorized two FBI officials to speak with a Wall Street Journal reporter about the Clinton Foundation investigation in October 2016. McCabe later lies about the leak to investigators and is fired in March 2018. In 2016, the FBI sends a confidential human source, Cambridge professor Stefan Halper, to meet with Trump campaign advisers Carter Page and George Papadopoulos. Halper invites Papadopoulos to London in September 2016, pays him $3,000 for a paper, and asks if the Trump campaign is working with Russia. The Mueller Report, released in April 2019, concludes that 'the investigation did not establish that members of the Trump Campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian government in its election interference activities.' On obstruction of justice, the report does not reach a conclusion but lists episodes for Congress to consider. In July 2019, Robert Mueller testifies before Congress. He appears confused and unable to answer basic questions about his report. When asked about Fusion GPS, he says, 'I'm not familiar with that.' The hearing is widely seen as a disaster for Democrats hoping to build momentum for impeachment. In December 2019, Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz releases a report on the origins of Crossfire Hurricane. It finds 17 'significant errors and omissions' in the FISA applications for Carter Page, including that the FBI knew Steele's dossier was unverified and that Page had been a CIA source. In 2020, Acting Director of National Intelligence Richard Grenell declassifies transcripts showing that Obama administration officials, including Joe Biden, requested the 'unmasking' of Michael Flynn's name in intelligence reports during the transition. The list of officials includes Chief of Staff Denis McDonough and UN Ambassador Samantha Power. In September 2021, Special Counsel John Durham indicts Michael Sussmann, a Perkins Coie lawyer who worked for the Clinton campaign. The indictment alleges Sussmann lied to FBI General Counsel James Baker in September 2016 when he said he was not acting on behalf of any client while sharing data about Trump and Russia. In May 2022, a jury acquits Michael Sussmann after a trial in Washington, D.C. Durham's prosecution fails to convince jurors that Sussmann lied. The verdict is a major setback for Durham's investigation into the origins of the Russia probe. In the epilogue, Smith argues that the Russia investigation was a 'plot' by Obama-era intelligence and law enforcement officials to undermine Trump's presidency. He writes that the scheme relied on the Steele dossier, which was 'a collection of rumors and unverified allegations' paid for by the Clinton campaign and fed to the FBI and the press. The plot's goal was to 'nullify the 2016 election' and 'remove Trump from office' by framing his campaign for colluding with Russia — a 'soft coup' attempt by the 'Deep State.' The plot failed to remove Trump from office but succeeded in crippling his presidency and damaging public trust in U.S. institutions. Smith argues the ultimate goal was not just to remove Trump but to re-establish the foreign policy consensus of the 'Blob' (the bipartisan foreign policy establishment) that Trump threatened.
Who's who
Characters
- Christopher SteeleEx-MI6 Russia hand running Orbis Business Intelligence in London, hired to prove Trump's ties to Moscow. He becomes 'desperate' to stop Trump, and his unverified memos end up powering an FBI investigation he can no longer control.
- Glenn SimpsonFormer Wall Street Journal reporter who co-founded Fusion GPS and shopped the Trump opposition file from the Free Beacon to the Clinton campaign. Under congressional testimony he concedes his star spy's sources were 'a random group of people.'
- James ComeyFBI Director who briefs Trump on the dossier and runs the early Russia probe. Fired by Trump in May 2017, his dismissal detonates the special counsel investigation.
- Robert MuellerFormer FBI Director appointed special counsel in May 2017 with a team heavy on Democratic donors. After two years and no conspiracy finding, he stumbles through his own congressional testimony.
- Michael FlynnTrump's first National Security Adviser, caught in an FBI interview where agents never warned him lying was a crime. He pleads guilty and becomes the plot's first scalp.
- Peter StrzokFBI agent who interviewed Flynn and texted Lisa Page that the bureau would 'stop' a Trump presidency. His messages turn the investigation's bias from suspicion into evidence.
- Donald TrumpThe target: a candidate the Kremlin allegedly 'cultivated,' then a president hunted by his own intelligence agencies. He survives the plot but spends his term crippled by it.
What it's really about
Themes
Opposition research as statecraft
The book traces a single file's journey: a conservative website's dirt-digging contract, passed to the Clinton campaign and DNC through Perkins Coie, outsourced to a British spy, then fed to the FBI, the State Department, and the press. What begins as paid campaign research gets treated as intelligence product, and the FBI builds a FISA warrant on it while knowing who paid for it. The line between a campaign's dirty tricks and the state's investigative power dissolves. Smith's point: when the government outsources its evidence to a political campaign, the investigation itself becomes a partisan weapon.
The Deep State and the 'soft coup'
Smith's epilogue names the scheme outright: Obama-era intelligence and law enforcement officials plotting to 'nullify the 2016 election' and 'remove Trump from office' by framing his campaign for colluding with Russia. The evidence he marshals is the Strzok-Page texts promising 'We'll stop it,' the 'insurance policy,' agents who never warned Flynn, and a wiretap built on an unverified dossier. Whether you read this as conspiracy or as accountability, the book insists the machinery of the state was turned against a sitting president by the people sworn to serve him.
Institutional trust and its collapse
The FBI lies to the FISA court seventeen times by omission, its deputy director leaks and gets fired, its star agents text each other contempt for the candidate, and its special counsel cannot answer basic questions about his own report. Each institution Smith examines comes out diminished: the bureau, the Justice Department, the press that ran with the dossier, Congress. The plot failed to remove Trump, but it succeeded in something quieter and worse: convincing a large share of the country that the referees are players. That erosion, Smith argues, is the plot's real victory.
The Blob fights back
For Smith, the deepest motive is not partisanship but the defense of a foreign policy consensus. Trump threatened the bipartisan establishment he calls the 'Blob,' and the Russia investigation was the establishment's counterstroke, an attempt to reassert the orthodoxy on Russia and America's role in the world. The dossier, the leaks, the special counsel: all instruments of a policy class protecting its monopoly. The book's bleakest suggestion is that the fight was never about what Trump did, but about who gets to decide what America does.
Look closer
Symbols
- The dossier
- A stack of unverified memos paid for by a political campaign, treated as gospel by the FBI and the press. Its journey from opposition research to FISA evidence mirrors the whole plot: rumor laundered into state power, then exposed as rumor.
- The London pub
- Where Steele confesses he is 'very worried' about Trump. The scene stands for the plot's origin: not an American courtroom but a foreign meeting of spies, lawyers, and analysts, the establishment conspiring offstage before the public ever hears of it.
- Crossfire Hurricane
- The code name itself suggests a storm aimed at a campaign. It stands for the moment private opposition research becomes a state investigation, the point where the plot stops being a story someone wrote and starts being one the government pursues.
- The text messages
- Strzok's 'We'll stop it' and the 'insurance policy' are the plot's confession, bias preserved in the FBI's own words. Their release marks the turn from Smith's narrative of suspicion to one of proof, the instant the investigators become the investigated.
Spoilers
Ending explained
The ending is deliberately anticlimactic: no one is convicted of the plot itself, and Durham's one trial ends in acquittal. Smith reads this not as vindication but as escape, the scheme succeeded in crippling a presidency and shredding public trust even though it failed to remove the man. The competing reading is obvious and worth holding: the same facts can be told as an intelligence community responding to genuine Russian interference, with sloppy tradecraft rather than conspiracy. What makes Smith's version land is the accumulation of small, documented failures, the FISA errors, the unwarned Flynn, the texts, rather than any single smoking gun. Whether that adds up to a 'plot' or to institutional arrogance is the question the book leaves you arguing about, which is arguably its real purpose.
For class or book club
Discussion questions
- 1.Does the distinction between 'opposition research' and 'intelligence' collapse once a campaign's paid product enters a FISA application, and where exactly should the line sit?
- 2.If the FISA court received seventeen erroneous applications, what structural reforms could actually prevent the weaponization Smith describes, or is the problem unfixable?
- 3.Smith calls the affair a 'soft coup'; his critics would call it accountability. What evidentiary standard should separate the two labels, and does this book meet it?
Worth remembering
Best lines
“very worried”
“I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go”
“We'll stop it”
“I'm not familiar with that.”
A fair critique
Where it falls short
Smith writes as a prosecutor for the defense, and the framing shows. The word 'plot' arrives before the evidence does, and alternative explanations, that the FBI pursued genuine Russian interference with sloppy tradecraft, get less airtime than the damning details. The Sussmann acquittal sits awkwardly in a narrative built on conspiracy. Readers wanting the FBI's side, or the intelligence community's case for Russian interference, will need to look elsewhere. Treat it as a powerful closing argument, not a verdict.
In one sentence
A campaign's paid dirt became the FBI's evidence, the FBI became the special counsel, and the special counsel found nothing, while the country's trust in its institutions paid the bill.
Is it for you?
Who should read it
Anyone who lived through the Russia headlines and wants the whole chain, from a London pub to a D.C. jury verdict, in one gripping account. Essential for political junkies of every camp, and for readers who like their conspiracies footnoted.
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FAQ
What is THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT about?
Lee Smith's book argues that a "deep state" conspiracy involving elements of the U.S. intelligence community, political establishment, and mainstream media worked to undermine and remove President Donald Trump from office. It details alleged efforts like the Russia investigation and impeachment as parts of this plot.
Is THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT worth reading?
For readers interested in conservative perspectives on the Trump presidency, the role of intelligence agencies, and media criticism, the book offers a detailed, albeit controversial, argument. It provides a specific viewpoint on political events of that era.
How does THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT end?
Spoiler: As a work of non-fiction political analysis, the book doesn't have a narrative "ending" in the traditional sense. It concludes by summarizing Smith's argument about the long-term implications of the alleged plot for American democracy and the rule of law, urging readers to remain vigilant about institutional power.
Who should read THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT?
This book is primarily for readers interested in conservative political commentary, those who believe in the "deep state" narrative, or individuals seeking an alternative interpretation of events during the Trump administration. It appeals to those critical of mainstream media and intelligence agencies.
How long does it take to read THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT?
Based on an average reading speed of 250 words per minute and a typical length for this type of non-fiction, it would likely take approximately 4 to 5 hours to read the entire book.
Who wrote THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT?
THE PLOT TO KILL THE PRESIDENT was written by LEE sMITH.